Historical Context of Activism in Mexico by the Catholic Church

     In 1859, self-proclaimed president of Mexico, Benito Juarez established a constitution that effectively removed the church influence and major authoritative presence within the Mexican government. Through his “Leyes de Reforma” Juarez gave authority to the government over institutions that had previously been managed by the Catholic Church, like  marriage. (1)
     The Mexican Constitution of 1917, established by congress, reaffirmed all laws pertaining to separation of church and state in the 1859 “Leyes de Reforma” and the 1874 amendments to the “Leyes de Reforma” which made the separation more distinct. The 1917 Constitution made the laws more severe in that it prohibited the clergy in participating in political activity. (2)
     After the establishment of the 1917 Constitution, the Catholic church developed a way to influence politics without a direct connection between the clergy and the government. The church’s new way of asserting influence was through (and continues to be) through lay organizations, As historian Ian Vallier states: “the Mexican hierarchy began to develop specialized lay groups and units related to growing spheres of secular change in society”(3). Through these lay groups the Catholic church continued to have influence over a large portion of Mexican society and therefore sustained the Catholic community within the country. One such lay organization that formed was Catholic Action (Acción Católica Mexicana-ACM) in the 1930s (4). However, it is important to note that this organization was directly supported by the Catholic church yet separate from politics. Historian Stephan J.C. Andes states in his analysis of this distinction, “Catholic Action acted as the religious and social training ground where the laity learned how to defend religion, and subsequently used this training for the good of civil society” (5). Therefore, a divide within organizations formed, in that some organizations, like the Catholic Action, were directly supported and somewhat governed by the Catholic church, while others were developed completely from a lay community yet have significant Catholic influence. One such type of organizations that formed include pro-life, anti-abortion organizations that were either directly affiliated or drew much of their mission from the teachings of the Catholic Church.

(1) CQ Press. "The Religious Conflict in Mexico." CQ Researcher. Last modified 2016. Accessed April 30, 2016. http://library.cqpress.com/cqresearcher/document.php?id=cqresrre1926080100.
(2) CQ Press. "The Religious Conflict in Mexico." CQ Researcher. Last modified 2016. Accessed April 30, 2016. http://library.cqpress.com/cqresearcher/document.php?id=cqresrre1926080100.
(3)Vallier, Ian. Catholicism, Social Control, and Modernization in Latin America. Modernization of Traditional Societies Series. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1970. 129.
(4)Andes, Stephan J.C. The Vatican and Catholic Activism in Mexico and Chile: The Politics of Transnational Catholicism, 1920-1940. Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press, 2014. 147.
(5)Andes, Stephan J.C. The Vatican and Catholic Activism in Mexico and Chile: The Politics of Transnational Catholicism, 1920-1940. Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press, 2014. 161.

Historical Context of Anti-Abortion Organizations

During the 1960s, a shift occurred within the Catholic church community that resulted in the formation of the Second Vatican Council, otherwise known as Vatican II. The council established by Pope John XXIII and was held from 1962 to 1965 (1). The council reaffirmed many church teachings, including the teaching that abortion should never be done because it is “a supreme dishonor to the Creator” and it, along with infanticide are “unspeakable crimes” (2). This teaching, which applied to the Catholic Church on an international level, and a rise of other widespread teachings against abortion spread throughout the Catholic church in response it seems to the increase in social movements and proposed legislation aimed at legalizing abortion. One such document that directly condemns abortion is the Declaration on Procured Abortion from the Sacred Congregation for the Doctrine of Faith, which was written by Pope Paul VI in 1974. In this document, not only was the act of abortion condemned but also the liberalization and efforts at legalization by those in support of giving women access to abortion (3). In the time following the publishing of these significant church many catholic influenced organizations formed in Mexico to combat the efforts of those proposing abortion legislation within the country.




(1) "Second Vatican Council." In Encyclopedia Britannica. N.p.: n.p., 2016. Accessed May 1, 2016. http://www.britannica.com/event/Second-Vatican-Council.

(2) Pope Paul VI. "Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modern World." Vatican. http://www.vatican.va/archive/hist_councils/ii_vatican_council/documents/vat-ii_cons_19651207_gaudium-et-spes_en.html. December 7, 1965.

(3) Pope Paul VI. "Sacred Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith: Declaration on Procured Abortion." Vatican. Accessed May 1, 2016. http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/congregations/cfaith/documents/rc_con_cfaith_doc_19741118_declaration-abortion_en.html. June 28, 1974.

Domestic Catholic Church Influence and Organizations

     In Mexico, there are several organizations with the sole purpose of blocking abortion legislation. One of the oldest and most prominent organizations is Provida, otherwise known as Comité Nacional Provida, which is a religious based organization that was founded in 1978 in the capital of Mexico. This organization has been very active for many years through numerous methods, including legal action, education, protests and youth organization (1). However, due to the Mexican Constitution, no organization can be directly run or organizationally supported by Catholic clergy. For this reason, Provida has developed “very strong and direct [contacts] with senior Mexican bishops and the Vatican” (2). From this reality, there is no doubt that this organization is directly tied to the Catholic church. However, it is interesting to note that on the Provida website, there is no mention of the organization drawing its teachings from the Catholic church, instead they state that abortion is a “moral issue” and for this reason must be stopped (3). Andrzej Kulczycki, who is a professor and has written numerous pieces on the climate surrounding abortion throughout the world, states that Provida “is by far the most energetic of anti-abortion groups” within Mexico (4). This description shows that Provida truly is at the forefront of the abortion debate.
     Another similar pro-life group, Human Life International (Vida Humana Internacional) formed in Mexico, however this group is directly affiliated with the Catholic Church. Human Life International was founded by Father Paul Marx's, OSB in 1981 and has chapters throughout Latin America (5). Human Life international claims to organize “en defensa de la vida, la fe y la familia” (translated: in defense of life, faith, and family) (6). Through this mission, Human Life International is directly affiliated with the Catholic Church and promotes its anti-abortion teachings. Yet, the Catholic Church according to some scholars, should not be viewed as a “pressure group pushing an anti-abortion agenda: it offers the state a crucial source of social and political support and thus contributes to maintaining social stability” (7). This idea, along with the reality that the church and state are legally separate in Mexico, adds to the concept that these organizations are a part of Mexican society, and that the viewpoints they propose are representative of a part of Mexican society.
     However, not all Catholics within Mexico take the stance of pro-life in the abortion debate. One such organization that is representative of this faction is the Catholics for the Right to Decide (Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir). This organization was founded in 1994 as a way to empower women to have the ability to decide based on their own conscience, while also educating the community on pro-choice as a political stance (8). Catholics for the Right to Decide demonstrates the liberalization of the Catholic church, but also the divide that continues to seem present within the church between conservative and liberal Catholics. This divide, along with the polarization surrounding the proposal and legalization of the 2007 decriminalization of abortion legislation, increased.

(1) "Comité Nacional Provida México" [Mexico National Prolife Committee]. Last modified 2004. Accessed March 25, 2016. http://www.comiteprovida.org/.
(2) Kulczycki, Andrzej. The Abortion Debate in the World Arena. New York City, NY: Routledge, 1999. 98.
(3)"Comité Nacional Provida México" [Mexico National Prolife Committee]. Last modified 2004. Accessed March 25, 2016. http://www.comiteprovida.org/.
(4)Kulczycki, Andrzej. The Abortion Debate in the World Arena. New York City, NY: Routledge, 1999. 96.
(5)"Vida Humana Internacional" [Human Life International]. Last modified 2011. Accessed March 25, 2016. http://vidahumana.org/conozcanos/vida-humana-internacional.
(6) "Vida Humana Internacional" [Human Life International]. Last modified 2011. Accessed March 25, 2016. http://vidahumana.org/conozcanos/vida-humana-internacional.
(7) Ortiz-Ortega, Adriana. "Law and the Politics of Abortion." In Decoding Gender: Law and Practice in Contemporary Mexico, by Ann Varley, Victoria Chenaut, and Helga Baitenmann, 197-212. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2007. 200-201.
(8) "International Partners." Catholics for Choice. Last modified 2005. Accessed March 25, 2016. http://www.catholicsforchoice.org/about/international/internationalpartners.asp#Mexico.

2007 Legislation

     In 2007, Mexico City proposed legislation that would decriminalize abortion within the first twelve weeks of pregnancy. Before the legislation passed, a polarization between the conservative and liberal Catholics occurred that could be seen by the stance the Catholics for the Right to Decide movement took. This organization proposed abortion as a public health issue, "It's become as much a public health issue now as a moral question," according to the organization’s spokeswoman Sandra Fosado (1). Through framing abortion as a public health issue, this organization did not explicitly condemn Catholic teaching, but instead formed a distinct and modern perspective on the issue. This framing demonstrates a modern shift in belief in a portion of the Catholic community that contributed to a divide within it. However, conservative catholic groups as well as the Catholic church responded to the passage of the legislation in a significant manner.
     The Catholic Church held the 6th Pontifical Council for the Family in Mexico City in 2009. This council once again reaffirmed the Catholic teaching on abortion, “Destroying unborn life, which is completely innocent, is an act of supreme violence and severe responsibility in the eyes of God” (2). Having the council occur close in Mexico City, where abortion legislation was fairly new, demonstrates a strong reaction in opposition of the legislation by the Catholic Church.
     Yet, although Mexico is predominantly Catholic, some scholars believe the church does not have as much influence as it claims to have. One such set of scholars, Susana Lerner and Guadalupe Salas, explain in their article “Abortion Legislation in Mexico in the Face of a Changing Sociodemographic and Political Context,” the modern influence of Catholicism in regards to abortion, “the population puts certain procedures and behavior patterns into play in order to contradict sanctioned behaviors while at the same time maintaining its religious beliefs and practices” (3). The emergence of a liberal sect of Catholicism is therefore not surprising in that it may have developed as a way for Catholics to cope with modernism in regards to public health while also abiding to religious belief. Even so, as an entity, the Catholic Church provides significant international influence, yet, this influence was not great enough to impact the already passed legislation.

(1) Padgett, Tim. "A Pro-Choice Movement in Mexico." Time, March 30, 2007.
(2) "Pontifical Council for the Family: Preparatory Catechesis for the Sixth World Encounter of Families." Vatican. Accessed May 1, 2016. http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/pontifical_councils/family/documents/rc_pc_family_doc_20080415_catechesis-mexico2009_en.html. January 2009.
(3) Lerner, Susana, and Guadalupe Salas. "Abortion Legislation in Mexico in the Face of a Changing Sociodemographic and Political Context." In The Sociocultural and Political Aspects of Abortion, edited by Alaka Malwade Basu, 203-23. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2013. 215.

Catholic Church: International Influence and Growing Secularism in Mexico

     The Roman Catholic Church, being an international institution, has provided and continues to provide great influence over Mexico. This is so because the Vatican sees Mexico as “pivotal to the diffusion of orthodox belief in Latin America” (1). Additionally, Mexico is a country with one of the highest number of Catholics within a population, with over 80 percent of individuals self-identifying as Catholic (2). There has been a gradual secularization within Mexico that has resulted in Catholics not “follow[ing] Church teachings exactly. For example, many use birth control, live in civil unions, have abortions, and do and accept things that are officially proscribed by the Catholic Church” (3). This reality therefore demonstrates the somewhat lack of conservative influence the Catholic Church once had over Mexican society, which in part may have had some influence over the passage of the 2007 legislation, as well as the polarization that occurred over the abortion issue.
     Ultimately, the abortion issue in Mexico has resulted in a secular division. Oritz-Ortega argues that the issue and division “is thus defined by the distance between, on the one hand, conservative religious agendas and, on the other, feminist, social, and gay activism, as well as political openings secured by these social movements” (4). With the reduction of conservative catholic influence, modern social movements have been able to develop and gain support. Yet, it is important to realize that the Catholic Church continues to influence mexican society. Ortiz-Ortega argues that true reform cannot happen until a complete separation of church and state, “Legal reform and changes in public attitudes toward abortion are not therefore enough to secure change in this area. A thoroughgoing separation of church and state is required at all levels, along with the economic changes that would enable Mexicans to meet the costs incurred in securing full access to their sexual and reproductive rights” (5). Mexico’s apparent secularization may continue to grow, yet at an institutional level, change cannot completely occur until separation occurs. With the strong history the Catholic Church has within Mexico, it seems unlikely that this complete separation is possible.

(1) Kulczycki, Andrzej. The Abortion Debate in the World Arena. New York City, NY: Routledge, 1999. 97.
(2) Sánchez Fuentes, María Luisa, Jennifer Paine, and Brook Elliot-Buettner. "The decriminalisation of abortion in Mexico City: how did abortion rights become a political priority?" Gender & Development 16, no. 2 (July 2008): 345-60. 352.
(3) Sánchez Fuentes, María Luisa, Jennifer Paine, and Brook Elliot-Buettner. "The decriminalisation of abortion in Mexico City: how did abortion rights become a political priority?" Gender & Development 16, no. 2 (July 2008): 345-60. 355.
(4) Ortiz-Ortega, Adriana. "Law and the Politics of Abortion." In Decoding Gender: Law and Practice in Contemporary Mexico, by Ann Varley, Victoria Chenaut, and Helga Baitenmann, 197-212. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2007. 201.
(5) Ortiz-Ortega, Adriana. "Law and the Politics of Abortion." In Decoding Gender: Law and Practice in Contemporary Mexico, by Ann Varley, Victoria Chenaut, and Helga Baitenmann, 197-212. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2007. 201.

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About this Blog

This blog seeks to explore how the Catholic Church, political elites, and feminist organizations reacted to the 2007 Mexico City law that decriminalized abortion. This blog will be a scholarly resource analyzing the religious, political, and social history of abortion in Mexico for women outside of Mexico who want to pass similar legislation in other countries.

The decriminalization of abortion in Mexico City signified a notable transformation of reproductive policy in Mexico. The 2007 Mexico City abortion law decriminalized abortion and increased women’s access to abortion. The law permitted abortion within the first trimester (first 12 weeks) without the permission of judicial institutions. The unprecedented Mexico City abortion policy transformed abortion from a crime to a right. However, while this can be considered a considerable success for feminist movements and pro-decision groups in Mexico City, the policy triggered a widespread tightening of abortion restrictions and increasing of penalties throughout the states led by religiously affiliated organizations.

The Catholic Church and feminist organizations had already effectively organized and mobilized in opposition and in support, respectively, of this legislative transformation. Due to effective mobilization of anti-abortion groups and political elites, the decriminalization of abortion in Mexico City also sparked backlash in other states who reformed the state constitution in order to protect life from the moment of conception. We ultimately determined that the 2007 abortion law created more harm than benefits for women because, while it provided legal access to abortions in certain circumstances, there was no consistency across states which effectively allowed state officials and medical professionals to obstruct the authorization of abortions without penalization.

Feminist Organizations and NGOs

“Abortion is the most important claim of feminism… the fact that abortion is a crime rather than a human right [reflects how] this system does not want women to be free.” (1)

In 2007, Mexico's Federal District became the first and currently only state within Mexico to decriminalize abortion in the first trimester. Those in favor of the newly instated abortion law reveled in the possibility of access to legal and safe abortion and healthcare services for many individuals across the state. However, millions of women elsewhere where this same law does not apply have to resort to often expensive and unsafe procedures in order to deal with their unwanted pregnancies and other healthcare concerns. To combat these issues various feminist organizations and NGO's have continually worked towards creating policies and procedures which allow them to assist individuals through a variety of services aimed at making the process of abortions safer domestically, regardless of the laws currently in place.

While abortion has been decriminalized by the state through the legal system within Mexico City and the organizations present there no longer have to struggle towards that objective, other organizations have pointed to the limitations that this circumstance provides. “ The law more strictly binds Mexico City NGOs in part because they rely on private funding agencies, an arrangement which considerably hampers their work in her view. [Organizations working outside of Mexico City], by contrast, operate exclusively with donations and honorariums precisely to avoid such restrictions. “[Mexico City NGOs] are continually administering the problem [rather than solving it] in order to have [governmental and private] funding and political power”. (1) This critique speaks to the distinct approaches that are utilized by the feminist NGO organizations which are often narrowed and controlled by the state system and policies they exist in.

In analyzing the organizations that work within Mexico City as well as the other areas where abortion has not yet been decriminalized, the variations that exist with respect to the work that is being done and the resources provided point to the stratified nature of the legal policies and practices of abortion. The posts provide information on some of the most prominent feminist organizations in Mexico and can be utilized as resources for understanding the strategies, tactics and methods in order to apply them in other areas of Mexico as well as transnationally.

(1) Singer, Elyse. "Abortion and Human Rights in Mexico." AnthropologyNews. Accessed April 2016. http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2016/04/11/abortion-and-human-rights-in-mexico/.